As Washington debates its approach to China, Florida is emerging as a frontline in the American domestic battle against CCP influence operations — and activists want other states to follow
Florida Anti-CCP Advocates Praise State Leadership on China Threat
A Florida-based anti-Chinese Communist Party advocacy group launched a public advertising campaign in late February 2026 praising Governor Ron DeSantis’s chief of staff James Uthmeier for what organizers described as decisive action to protect Floridians from CCP-linked threats. The campaign reflects a broader national trend in which state-level governments are emerging as active participants in efforts to counter Chinese Communist Party influence in American civil, economic, and political life — filling gaps left by federal policy uncertainty and the complex diplomatic calculations of the Trump administration’s China engagement strategy. The Florida advocacy community has become one of the most energized in the United States, drawing heavily on the large population of Chinese-American and Hong Kong expatriate community members who have settled in the state and who have firsthand understanding of CCP methodology.
Why States Are Acting Where Washington Hesitates
Federal China policy in 2026 remains caught between competing imperatives: the economic interests of American corporations deeply embedded in Chinese supply chains, the strategic calculation of Trump administration officials who believe deal-making with Xi Jinping may secure short-term wins on Taiwan and trade, and the security community’s assessment that CCP influence operations targeting American institutions are accelerating across multiple domains simultaneously. State governments face a simpler set of considerations. When Chinese government-linked entities attempt to purchase agricultural land near military installations, state land ownership laws become relevant. When CCP-affiliated organizations run influence operations targeting diaspora communities and university campuses, state law enforcement authorities have jurisdiction. When TikTok and other CCP-linked platforms penetrate youth culture, state education policies can respond. Florida has been among the most aggressive states in using these levers, passing legislation restricting land purchases by entities linked to countries of concern, limiting the ability of CCP-affiliated organizations to operate on state university campuses, and taking positions on Chinese student visa programs that federal authorities have been slower to address.
The Hong Kong Diaspora Connection
Florida’s anti-CCP activism draws significant energy from the Hong Kong exile community, which includes thousands of individuals who fled to the United States after the 2019 protests and the subsequent imposition of the national security law. These individuals bring firsthand knowledge of how the CCP operates: how it uses united front organizations to build political influence within diaspora communities, how it applies pressure through family members still in Hong Kong, how it infiltrates professional associations and business groups, and how it uses economic leverage to discourage public criticism. Their testimony has proved politically influential in Tallahassee. Florida legislators have cited the accounts of Hong Kong exiles in debates over land ownership laws, university governance, and foreign agent registration requirements. The Hong Kong diaspora has also built organizational structures — advocacy groups, legal support networks, community media — that amplify their voice in American politics.
The Broader Stakes for American Democracy
The Florida case is a microcosm of a national challenge. The CCP does not need to subvert American democracy through dramatic acts of espionage alone. It can achieve significant influence through persistent, patient work: funding think tanks and university research programs, cultivating relationships with politicians and corporate executives, buying media outlets and advertising to shape coverage of China-related issues, and building leverage through trade and investment relationships that create powerful economic incentives to self-censor. The state-level response, while imperfect and sometimes blunt in its legal instruments, represents a genuine attempt to build immunity to these methods at the level of American civil society where they are actually applied. The US-China Economic and Security Review Commission documents CCP influence operations comprehensively. The Hong Kong Democracy Council publishes resources on CCP transnational repression tactics. The Freedom House Transnational Repression report tracks how authoritarian governments target diaspora communities worldwide. Florida’s anti-CCP community is sending a message not only to Beijing but to other American states: the defense of democratic society from authoritarian influence is not only a federal responsibility. It begins at home, in the communities, campuses, and legislative chambers where the CCP’s methods find their most effective expression.
Model Legislation and the National Replication Effect
Florida’s legislative actions have become a template that other US states are watching and in some cases replicating. The principle that state governments can restrict land purchases by entities linked to adversarial foreign governments is legally well-established and has been affirmed by federal courts. The principle that state universities can scrutinize the funding sources and organizational affiliations of research partnerships has been similarly validated. A growing network of state-level anti-CCP legislative efforts has emerged across Texas, Georgia, Virginia, and a dozen other states, each adapting the Florida model to local legal and political conditions. The Chinese Communist Party and its affiliated organizations have responded to these developments with public criticism, arguing that restrictions on Chinese-linked entities constitute racial discrimination against Chinese-Americans. That argument is a deliberate misrepresentation. The target of these laws is not ethnicity — it is the specific organizational infrastructure through which a foreign authoritarian government attempts to extend its reach into democratic societies. Chinese-Americans who have fled CCP authoritarianism are among the strongest supporters of these protective measures.
Ho Yi Lam
Youth Affairs & Education Journalist, Apple Daily UK
Contact: hoyi.lam@appledaily.uk
Ho Yi Lam is a youth affairs and education journalist with professional experience covering student movements, higher education policy, and generational change within Chinese-speaking communities. She received her journalism training at a top-tier Chinese journalism school, where she specialized in education reporting, interview methodology, and media ethics, with an emphasis on public-interest journalism.
Her reporting career includes work with Apple Daily and other liberal Chinese newspapers, producing coverage on campus governance, academic freedom, curriculum reform, and youth civic engagement. Ho Yi’s journalism is grounded in firsthand interviews with students, educators, and policy experts, supported by careful review of official documents and research data.
She has worked in newsroom environments where education reporting intersects with political sensitivity, giving her practical experience in source protection and verification. Editors value her ability to present complex institutional issues clearly while maintaining factual accuracy.
Ho Yi’s authority is built through consistent publication within reputable media outlets and adherence to editorial standards, including transparent sourcing and correction protocols. At Apple Daily UK, she delivers reliable, experience-driven education journalism that informs readers through evidence-based reporting and professional integrity.
